Being a Woman and Human Rights Defender under the State of Emergency in El Salvador

The Passionist Social Service, an ally of the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), documents and denounces police abuses, promoting the right to life. Since 27 March 2022, the state of emergency or "state of exception" in El Salvador claims to strive for the reduction of criminal violence, but in doing so, suspended constitutional rights. In this interview, Verónica Reyna emphasises that protecting human rights is essential to sustaining a democratic society that respects the dignity of all.

What inspired you to become a human rights defender?

Life circumstances and the historical context of the country where I was born and still live in now led me to become a human rights defender. El Salvador has always been marked by high levels of social violence linked to gangs, which primarily threaten children, adolescents, and young people.

What motivates you to continue your work?

My greatest motivation is the resilience of victims and social movements. I am constantly moved by the strength with which they continue to raise their voices, protest, and denounce injustices. They refuse to be silenced despite the exclusion, stigmatisation, and discrimination they face daily from the state.

Could you describe your organisation’s role in documenting human rights violations?

The Passionist Social Service was founded 35 years ago, and for more than 11 years, we have documented police and state violence inflicted by security forces on the population. Since the beginning of the state of emergency, we have documented a significant increase in arbitrary detentions, torture, and sexual violence. As an organisation dedicated to promoting the right to life, we do everything possible to amplify the voices of victims and their families and advocate nationally and internationally for their protection.

Has the work of human rights defenders become more dangerous since the state of emergency began?

Yes. The government is using the state of emergency to suspend rights and constitutional guarantees. This means that police and military forces use it to threaten mainly land defenders, labor collectives, journalists, and anyone documenting human rights violations. By the end of 2024, more than 83,000 people had been arbitrarily detained. This creates a domino effect, making the population and critical voices feel controlled, monitored, and threatened.

What are the main patterns of police violence and gender discrimination?

Current security policies follow patterns of discrimination, stigmatisation, and exclusion. The primary victims are young men of colour, who live in poverty. By arbitrarily separating them from their families, a new layer of vulnerability is created for women, who are forced to look for precarious income alternatives to feed their families.

The state does not provide food or clothing for detainees, so women must also take on this responsibility. Additionally, detained women are systematically subjected to obstetric violence, while gay men who belong to the LGBTIQ+ community are subjected to sexual violence in prisons.

Have non-governmental organizations been affected?

Absolutely. The state of emergency has been used to shrink civic space even further. The harassment strategy operates on three levels: the legal system, police force, and the isolation of defenders in rural areas. For land defenders, for example, it is more difficult to access resources, and they have fewer support networks, leaving them more vulnerable and making their criminalisation easier.

Has President Nayib Bukele’s popularity influenced public perception of rights?

The propaganda strategy has been carefully designed to promote Bukele as a progressive figure working for the country’s development and the eradication of violence. This has made him popular both nationally and internationally. However, the reality is more complex: his leadership is conservative, fundamentalist, and patriarchal. His political agenda disregards women’s rights, sexual and reproductive rights, and the rights of the LGBTIQ+ population. His policies are aggressive, repressive, and conservative, using the military to restrict Salvadorans' rights.

What would you like the international community to know?

I would urge them to question the supposed success of Bukele’s security model, which is extremely dangerous for democracy. It is an authoritarian and repressive model. The international community has a responsibility to demand the defense and protection of human rights, especially given the systematic torture in prisons.

International missions must insist on gaining access to prisons, particularly those the government does not want them to enter. Finally, I would call on the international community to amplify and expose the severe impact of these policies on children, women, adolescents, and young people.

What is your vision for the future of human rights defenders?

I find hope in the fact that social movements are increasingly active and standing firm in their protests and fight for social justice. Every day, more of us dare to denounce the impact of the state of emergency and economic policies that discriminate against and harm the most vulnerable populations. This has sparked movements in territories, labour unions, feminist issues, and the LGBTIQ+ movement. I am hopeful that it is possible to halt democratic backsliding and protect the human rights of all Salvadorans.